Women's entrepreneurship,neoliberalism and economic justice in the postfeminist era: A discourse analysis of policy change in Sweden

Since the early 1990s, there has been investment in women's entrepreneurship policy (WEP) in Sweden, which continued until 2015. During the same period, Sweden assumed neoliberal policies that profoundly changed the position of women within the world of work and business. The goals for WEP changed as a result, from entrepreneurship as a way to create a more equal society, to the goal of unleashing women's entrepreneurial potential so they can contribute to economic growth. To better understand this shift we approach WEP as a neoliberal governmentality which offers women ‘entrepreneurial’ or ‘postfeminist’ subject positions. The analysis is inspired by political theorist Nancy Fraser who theorized the change as the displacement of socioeconomic redistribution in favour of cultural recognition, or identity politics. We use Fraser's concepts in a discourse analysis of Swedish WEP over two decades, identifying two distinct discourses and three discursive displacements. Whilst WEP initially gave precedence to a radical feminist discourse that called for women's collective action, this was replaced by a postfeminist neoliberal discourse that encouraged individual women to assume an entrepreneurial persona, start their own business, compete in the marketplace and contribute to economic growth. The result was the continued subordination of women business owners, but it also obscured or rendered structural problems/solutions, and collective feminist action, irrelevant.     

挣脱生态牢笼的路径探幽——《共产党宣言》中马克思生态思想解读

《共产党宣言》蕴含着深刻的生态思想,其体系以人、社会、自然整体为背景,其核心观点认为生态问题是由资本主义生产方式引起的.马克思在唯物史观视野下,科学论证了资产阶级的所有制必然灭亡、共产主义必然实现的历史发展逻辑,廓清了人与人、人与自然之间双重和解的演化路径.其中关于科技提升、市场拓展、交通和通信发展等引起世界市场“生态扩张”的思想,对全球化程度日益加深境况下“生态文明”和“人类命运共同体”的构建具有重大的理论和实践指导价值.     

论法院案件集体讨论机制的变迁——从审判委员会到法官会议

以审委会为代表的案件讨论机制的实践合理性正日益受到社会情境因素的影响，由此产生审委会决策机制的功能限缩问题。在审委会实际角色作用逐渐转变的过程中，法官会议讨论程序逐渐浮现并得到制度化。法官会议所具有的“正反校验”作用有助于解决疑难案件中法律适用的权威来源问题，很大程度上替代审委会规范法律适用的功能。法院内部案件集体讨论机制的流变，反映的是法院内部权力集中度的差异，即从审委会的功能限缩到法官会议的制度化呈现出从集体决策权到集体讨论权的权力变迁过程。与之相对应的是，法官群体在审判权力方面渐进的规模化、结构化、自主化，集体理性走向个体理性的过程得到强化。     

《1844年经济学哲学手稿》与《神圣家族》中的生活思想

《1844年经济学哲学手稿》和《神圣家族》都是马克思主义创始人早期思想的代表性著作，二者都把“生活”作为重要概念进行论述。从作为经济学哲学概念到作为社会批判概念，马克思主义创始人对“生活”的认识经历了从对物质生产活动的重视到对无产阶级普遍贫困生活的揭露，从分析“生产生活”的异化到对“非人性”生活的批判，从“生活的手段”到消灭“非人性的生活条件”的思想历程。人类的历史是人类生活发展的历史。解决人的美好生活如何实现的问题，在马克思恩格斯的生活思想中居于核心地位，这对当今中国具有重要的理论指导价值。中国特色社会主义进入新时代，从开启一种全新文明的生活形态的高度来理解新时代的美好生活，才能准确把握我国社会主要矛盾变化的深刻意义。     

Impact of support networks for breastfeeding: A multicentre study

Background

The rates of breastfeeding worldwide are slowly improving since 1996. Europe is still trailing behind the global breastfeeding incidence and prevalence rates. Thus, breastfeeding promotion, protection, prolongation and support have become an important challenge as breastfeeding sharply decreases in the first six months of life.

中等职业教育财政投入现状分析与对策研究——以河北省为例

文章通过发放调查问卷，归纳、整理“十二五”期间的财务会计报表对河北省中等职业教育财政投入状况进行了分析，揭示了存在的主要问题，提出了改进中等职业教育财政投入机制的对策和建议。     

“担保国家”的内涵及其与“合作国家”之比较

国家角色模式的演变主要着眼于国家任务的承担及其实现方式的变化，近代以来，国家角色模式经历了从夜警国家到福利国家再到担保国家的三次嬗变。民营化及公私合作的发展促使国家与私主体越来越多地共同承担公共任务，分担了福利国家的给付之累，也促进福利国家模式向担保国家模式转变，其中，行政任务的民营化及公私合作是担保国家模式的主要背景，担保国家理论便是要探讨在民营化及公私合作背景下国家对公共任务的最终落实如何承担担保责任。担保国家与合作国家内涵相近但各有侧重，且均有重大意义。     

Town Centre Management: Outlook from Portugal

In the last two decades, the Portuguese Government has responded to the decline of centres of commerce. In this paper, we analyse the three different experiences of town centre management (TCM) schemes developed in Portugal since the turn of the millennium. The first two stages were developed using public sector initiatives and their impacts were limited. The third stage is still under way and is composed of private projects created by local business owners. Taking Lisbon as a case study for this third stage we conclude that these projects have become a pro-active means of intervention in Portuguese town centres.     

Iranian consecration of Irish nationalist ‘martyrs’: the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 1981 republican prisoners’ hunger strike in Northern Ireland

This article focuses on the official and semi-official Iranian coverage and representation of the 1981 republican prisoners’ hunger strike in Northern Ireland and the related corporeal constructs of the hunger strikers as ‘martyred’ bodies. The particular characterization and utilization of Irish republican hunger strikers by media outlets, officials, and other propagandists of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was an instance of groups outside Northern Ireland appropriating Irish nationalist bodies for their own ends. IRI commentators re-articulated the starving bodies of Irish republican hunger strikers, re-infusing them with symbolic meanings in a cross-cultural and ideologically laden configuration in the service of IRI’s self-projection as the patron of worldwide struggles for justice and liberation against the twin forces of imperialism and domestic opponents. In the process, IRI added its own layers of agency and politically crafted somatic meaning to the hunger strike. Meanwhile, IRI’s extensive advocacy of the republican hunger strike in Northern Ireland was eagerly welcomed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), to which most hunger strikers belonged; with PIRA and its political wing, Provisional Sinn Féin, hoping to secure diplomatic recognition, and possibly material aid, from the Iranian government for bolstering PIRA’s domestic and international standing vis-à-vis the British government.